Friday, February 16, 2018

PHFI’s Rs 100 crore scam and ensnaring of Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute in a corrupt deal: impostors’ club hurtles from fraud to fraud

By Kapil Bajaj

Twelve years after it was fraudulently implanted into government by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI) continues to engage in corruption, fraud and criminality to fulfill its illegitimate objectives and to cover its tracks.

I received a call in November 2017 from someone – let’s call her/him Source One – who worked for PHFI at a senior position for a long time until she/he had had enough of the skulduggery that she/he witnessed there and resigned.

Source One told me there has been a scam amounting to more than Rs 100 crore in PHFI, wiping out the entire government contribution of Rs 65 crore to the ‘initial fund corpus’, which has been suppressed by president K. Srinath Reddy and his henchmen.

PHFI has redacted its publicly available reports in order to hide the swindle which took place through collusion between scamsters within PHFI and those claiming to represent Dena Bank and Oriental Bank of Commerce (OBC), Source One said.

No media organisation has written or shown anything that will name PHFI in connection with the scam which is being investigated by the CBI. Not a word.

Head-Finance Amit Chaturvedi, who is directly answerable for the stolen funds, continues to be on the payroll of PHFI while propriety demands he should have been the first to quit or be asked to step down, Source One said.

“Absolutely no one in PHFI has been held to account for the massive fraud even though, as far as I can understand, there is criminal culpability of the people on whose watch the funds were siphoned off – including that of Srinath Reddy.”

Source One said the swindle and the cover-up took place during the chairmanship of N.R. Narayana Murthy – who has since Jan. 2015 been enjoying his second stint as the chair of the corrupt private club, the first being July 2011-Oct. 2013 – showing what hypocrisy the Infosys man embodies in projecting himself as an advocate of high standards of "corporate governance".

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) – which led the gang of capitalist racketeers in setting up the Public Health Fraud of India (PHFI) in 2006 – has washed its hands off the whole episode and government representatives on the PHFI board have predictably been supine.

Plots of land acquired in states for setting up public health schools haven't been built upon, which is another big scam, Source One said.

“All the bungling and mismanagement has caused a haemorrhage of workers, shrinking PHFI from a 1000-plus organisation to about half that strength.”

Meanwhile, K. Srinath Reddy, the criminal-minded president of PHFI who, in August 2012, forged a document (purportedly a copy of the signed and stamped document setting out the composition of PHFI governing body as on 31 March 2006.) and had it sent to me under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, continues to enrich himself, drawing a pay package of about Rs one crore per annum.

(Reddy the crook has indeed come a long way since the time he worked as a cardiologist at AIIMS-Delhi on a modest salary. 

While working at AIIMS, he wangled himself a wholly illegal “deputation” to PHFI, the impostors’ club that he himself helped to register as society along with Rajat Gupta of McKinsey and six other wheeler-dealers and hirelings. 

His is thus a Jeffery Archeresque tale of how a humble but scoundrelly public official helped carve a parasitical private empire inside government and manoeuvred himself into the position of its fabulously-paid steward.

Reddy pulled that off by hitching his wagon to a ‘star’ which in his case was Rajat Gupta, the suave henchman in India of American corporate interests and a favourite crony of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s. 

Gupta became the founding chairman of PHFI and made Reddy the chief executive, but had to give up his position after falling foul of the law in the US.

Gupta was found to be involved in the Galleon insider trading ring; he was later to be prosecuted for and convicted of securities fraud in that case and jailed for two years.)

Source One told me that the aforementioned swindle took place when PHFI dealt with middlemen of Dena Bank and OBC in transferring money into fixed deposits (FDs).

“Fake FD receipts were issued to PHFI and the money was diverted to the third parties.”

The media reported in August 2014 that “the finance ministry has ordered a forensic audit of Dena Bank and OBC after some of their Mumbai-based branches allegedly misappropriated funds worth Rs 437 crore, mobilised through fixed deposits”.

“The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) is already looking into the alleged fraud,” said a report by the Hindu-Business Line.

The media gave wide coverage in 2017 to the home ministry’s revoking of PHFI’s licence to receive foreign funds without saying anything about money swindled through FDs at Dena Bank and OBC.

PHFI’s licence to receive foreign funds was revoked, according to media reports, on account of a number of "undesirable activities", including failure to declare over 100 FDs and “having more than one PAN (permanent account number) for opening accounts and FDs” in violation of the law.

I checked on PHFI’s website its annual reports (two of which, for the years 2012-13 and 2013-14, are available) and found large portions blurred and rendered unreadable.

These portions contain information such as sources of funds, application of funds and bank deposits.

It’s notable that despite allowing PHFI to scrounge off public assets worth hundreds of crores, the government continues not to force this racket to submit itself to CAG audit.

Ensnaring Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute
Continuing with its criminal ways, PHFI manipulated Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute for Medical Sciences and Technology (SCTIMST) at Trivandrum into wrongly recognizing the former’s dubious ‘Master of Public Health’ (MPH) and PhD programmes.

The SCTIMST has been recognized by the central government as a university and an institute of national importance.

“An entirely corrupt and unlawful arrangement was reached after SCTIMST’s academic committee and governing body repeatedly refused PHFI’s request for affiliation, citing serious problems,” said another source – let’s call her/him Source Two – who contacted me this month (February 2018).

The change of direction came about with new SCTIMST director Asha Kishore taking office on 15 July 2015.

“She brings the matter again in the academic committee (on 31 Oct. 2015) on the basis of a letter (dated 05 Oct. 2015) from PHFI’s Srinath Reddy re-seeking “strategic partnership” and a discreetly encouraging email from Secretary of the Department of Science and Technology (DST),” said Source Two who has long worked for SCTIMST.

(Making a pitch for recognition of PHFI’s courses by DST Secretary Ashutosh Sharma is another illustration of how the impostors’ club has honeycombed the government, so that it’s hard to say who a babu works for. 

In addition to being the top bureaucrat at DST, which happens to be the department supervising SCTIMST, Sharma also sits on PHFI’s general body! 

No point looking for conflict of interest here! Rather appreciate the sublime convenience of imposture, like the numinosity of a many-faced god!)

“The matter was smuggled into the academic committee as an out of agenda item without a word of justification. So Asha Kishore managed to circumvent the requirement to circulate an item at least seven days before the meeting,” said Source Two.

“The SCTIMST’s academic committee then accepts PHFI’s request on the basis of falsehoods that are uttered in the meeting, such as the statement that ‘PHFI is already partner for some of SCTIMST’s projects’. I drew a blank when I asked SCTIMST for documents that would support that statement,” Source Two said.

Subsequently, the SCTIMST governing body (chaired by former Union Cabinet Secretary K.M. Chandrasekhar), which had earlier taken on board serious problems in affiliating PHFI, accepts the recommendation without discussion and with a single, clumsily scribbled sentence that neither cites the course title nor names the PHFI institute to be granted the favour.

“It’s transparent that the match was fixed,” said Source Two.

“Srinath Reddy’s letter says he spoke with K.R. Thankappan, who headed SCTIMST’s public health school and favoured the affiliation. Asha Kishore tables a ‘note’ from Thankappan supporting affiliation and allows V. Ramankutty (of the same school) to make false statements like ‘PHFI is already partner for some of SCTIMST’s projects’.”

The inclusion of PhD programme in the arrangement that SCTIMST and PHFI entered into on 28 December 2015 is no less than daylight robbery, considering that PhD was not only not discussed in the academic committee meeting, it was not even mentioned in the letter that Srinath Reddy the crook wrote on 05 October 2015 to SCTIMST director Asha Kishore.

That’s not all.

The SCTIMST accommodated PHFI by changing eligibility conditions for MPH, allowing engineering, management and law graduates also to apply for the course.

(This change was also effected quite dubiously. While there is an SCTIMST notification of 02 Sep. 2016, citing a decision made by the academic committee and endorsed by the governing body, which adds engineering graduates to the candidates eligible to be admitted to MPH, there is nothing in the public domain that accounts for the inclusion of management and law graduates.)

Earlier, the SCTIMST allowed into its MPH course people with qualifications in medicine and allied sciences, or at most those holding post graduate degrees in social sciences or nutrition.

In fact, a Gazette of India notification of 22 Dec. 2011 deems SCTIMST’s MPH to be a “medical degree awarded to those persons holding recognized medical qualifications under the Medical Council of India Act, 1956”.

So the change made to accommodate PHFI goes against this gazette notification.

“It’s clear that change in eligibility conditions was made to help PHFI bag candidates and make money. PHFI has also been allowed a much greater intake of students and to charge much higher tuition fees,” Source Two told me.

While SCTIMST admits 25 students in its MPH course, PHFI has been allowed to admit 50; as against the former charging tuition fee of Rs 1.10 lakh for whole of the two year course the latter has been allowed to charge Rs 1.80 lakh per year.

After entering the arrangement with PHFI on 28 December 2015, the SCTIMST also relaxed the maximum period in which a student can complete the MPH course from two to three years (and to four years in ‘extraordinary circumstances’ with director’s approval).

There are more signs of a fixed match, such as PHFI’s citing of engineering graduates (as also management and law graduates) among those who are eligible to apply for the MPH course, in a press release issued on 29 January 2016 – long before SCTIMST’s academic committee took a decision to that effect.

The SCTIMST academic committee took a decision to add engineering graduates to the candidates eligible to take the MPH course only on 05 April 2016 (with the governing body endorsing it in July 2016 and the institute notifying the decision in September 2016).

“A complaint against the PHFI-SCTIMST deal was filed in Sep. 2017 with the Lokayukta-Kerala (case No. C/1009/2017) and another complaint has been sent to the CBI. The Kochi branch of the CBI has already been conducting a preliminary inquiry into this matter,” Source Two told me.

That PHFI is a parasitical body created and propped up by suborning government and misappropriating public money is illustrated by a letter dated 10 Jan. 2017 that PHFI’s Sanjay Zodpey wrote to the mission director of National Health Mission-Madhya Pradesh, begging for “few candidates” to be nominated for the MPH course – which won’t be worth anything without a government institute like SCTIMST legitimizing it.

So the impostors’ club faking private-sector competence and efficiency appropriates government’s resources and then begs the same government for being allowed to provide a paid service to the government!

That’s how Manmohan Singh's Public Health Fraud of India (PHFI) has been playing out for the last 12 years!

A law unto itself
To have a perspective on the two scams described above, bear in mind that PHFI was designed as a scheme that would allow its beneficiaries to enjoy power and privilege without any public accountability, as I explained earlier in my articles here, here (four-part series), here, and here.

It is accountable to no one except fraudsters like Bill Gates, N.R. Narayana Murthy and Harpal Singh (of Fortis Healthcare) who use it as a convenient handle on governments in the centre and the states to promote their private interests.

I had shown in my articles that PHFI is neither a ‘public-private partnership (PPP)’ in any formal meaning that the government attaches to that descriptor nor an ‘autonomous body’ under any ministry (nor any recognized hybrid of a ‘PPP’ and an ‘autonomous body’), as the Manmohan Singh government falsely and repeatedly claimed and as this impostors’ club continues to suggest even today.

It’s no surprise that there is no one to take responsibility for the actions of PHFI. Nor is there anyone who will ensure that it faces the consequences of its actions.

So PHFI has been a law unto itself. Over 12 years of its existence, it has been perverting with impunity the norms and processes of the central and state governments and public and private entities that it entraps in corrupt deals.

I believe rackets like PHFI came out of some kind ‘elite consensus’ or ‘elite connivance’ in India, which means all those in power, whichever political party they belong to, are together in it (even though their stakes may vary), be it Manmohan Singh of Congress or Narendra Modi of BJP or Naveen Patnaik of Biju Janata Dal (BJD), or even the so called ‘Left’ which has had no problem with it.

So Prime Minister Manmohan Singh “launched”, public-funded, and legitimized this fraud in 2006.

His party colleague Chief Minister Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy gave PHFI land for setting up its ‘public health school’ in Andhra Pradesh, as did Chief Minister Narendra Modi in Gujarat, and Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik in Odisha.

It has been reported that Gujarat government (post-Narendra Modi) also legislated PHFI’s public health school in Gandhinagar into acquiring ‘university’ status.

While I investigated PHFI back in 2012, I had also learnt that the close family of a Biju Janata Dal (BJD) politician, who has long been the most prominent face of his party in Delhi, might have benefited from setting up PHFI’s public health school in Bhubaneswar – in the land deal, as far as I can remember.

(I understand that this politician's wife is the managing director of a company in which Rajat Gupta’s private equity firm New Silk Route Partners had invested.)

The ‘elite consensus’ has meant that the entire ‘establishment’ (by which I mean people with power – executive, legislative, judicial and media) has ignored this elephant in the room.

It also helps explain why government led by Narendra Modi has not shut down the racket that his predecessor Manmohan Singh set up.

PHFI case also shows that mass ‘media’ organizations are nothing but constituents of a glorified PR/propaganda system, affecting stupid ‘ideologies’ and showing pernicious selectivity in purveying news and commentary.

A self-professed ‘journalism-of-courage’ rag like the Indian Express, for example, has reported about PHFI right from 2006, helping this entity acquire legitimacy, but never asked the basic question: If PHFI claims that it’s a ‘public-private partnership’ (or ‘public-private initiative’) then who is the public authority and who are the private parties in this relationship and where is the agreement that they signed between themselves?

Has anyone seen that agreement? What is written in it? What is its scope and duration? What are the things that the parties to it are supposed to do? And who is responsible for ensuring that the parties adhere to the agreement?

It’s funny to see that in reporting on revocation of PHFI’s FCRA licence, the Indian Express and other rags portrayed PHFI as an “NGO” being victimized by the Narendra Modi government – (presumably in order to feed their favoured narrative that this government has engendered a riot of “right wing” fascism in the country) – but refrained from digging into the alleged hiding of over 100 fixed deposits by PHFI.

A number of people may be liable for the Public Health Fraud of India (PHFI), but I believe if ever the process of accountability starts, four individuals who must first be prosecuted for setting up this racket, in that order, are: Manmohan Singh, Rajat Gupta, K. Srinath Reddy, and Bill Gates.

The following Web links have been used in this post in their order of occurrence.













Tuesday, January 30, 2018

मेरे बाप की यादें हरिपुर हज़ारा (NWFP) की, भारत के विभाजन की, और विभाजन के बाद की

मेरे पिता, भूषण लाल बजाज, 1939 में हरिपुर हज़ारा में एक पंजाबी अरोड़ा परिवार में पैदा हुए. 

हरिपुर एक छोटा शहर था जो NWFP (North-West Frontier Province या उत्तर-पश्चिम सीमान्त प्रांत) के हज़ारा क्षेत्र का हिस्सा था. 

NWFP को अब ‘ख़ैबर पख़्तूनख़्वा’ कहते हैं और ये पाकिस्तान के मुख्य प्रान्तों में से एक है. 

अगस्त 1947 में भारत के विभाजन के समय – जब मेरे पिता की आयु लगभग आठ वर्ष की थी – उनका परिवार लाखों अन्य परिवारों की तरह अपना घर-बार छोड़के उस ‘सीमा’ को लांघने पर मजबूर हुआ जो 1947 से पहले लोगों के ख्वाब-ओ-ख्याल में भी नहीं थी और जिसका औचित्य आज भी भारतीय उपमहाद्वीप के अधिकतर लोगों की समझ से बाहर ही मालूम पड़ता है.

मेरे पिता का परिवार विभाजन के समय हरिपुर हज़ारा से उजड़ने के बाद ‘सीमा’ के इस पार कई जगहों में रहने के बाद दिल्ली में बसा. 

मेरे पिता ने 40 साल P.T./खेल के शिक्षक की नौकरी की और सन 2001 में सेवानिवृत हुए.

पेश है मेरे पिता की हरिपुर हज़ारा में बिताए बचपन की और विभाजन के हंगामे में अपने घर से उजड़ने की कुछ यादें उन्हीं की ज़बानी. 

ये पोस्ट मेरे पिता के संस्मरण की पहली किस्त है.

मेरी पैदाइश का दिन टेवे के मुताबिक़ 30 जुलाई 1939 है और जन्म-स्थान है हरिपुर हज़ारा जो एक पहाड़ी इलाक़ा था. यहाँ ‘चौकी मोहल्ले’ में हमारा घर था.

मैं अपने छः भाई-बहनों में दूसरे नंबर पर था, हालांकि मेरे माँ-बाप के चार और बच्चे नवजात गुज़र गए थे, जिनमें से दो 1947 तक चल बसे थे. हम छः भाई-बहनों में से पांच हरिपुर हज़ारा में ही पैदा हुए.

चौकी मोहल्ला पुलिस चौकी के पास था. शायद इसी लिए इसे ‘चौकी मोहल्ला’ कहते थे.

हमारा पक्का, तीन-मंज़िला मकान था जिसमें मेरे दादा, करमचंद बजाज (जिनकी मृत्यु मेरे जन्म से पहले हो चुकी थी), और ताऊ, नानकचंद बजाज, के परिवार रहते थे.

मेरे बाउजी (पिता), जगदीश राम बजाज, सात भाईओं और एक बहन में सबसे बड़े थे. उनकी बहन और तीन भाइयों की शादियाँ भी विभाजन होने तक हो चुकी थीं.

चौकी मोहल्ले से बाहर एक नहर बहती थी जिसे ‘कट्ठा’ कहते थे. गलिओं में पक्की नालियाँ होती थीं जिनमें साफ़ पानी बहता था जिसे लोग पीने और नहाने-धोने के लिए इस्तेमाल करते थे.

कुँए भी थे, पर हमारे मोहल्ले से ख़ासी दूरी पर.

नहर के किनारे किनारे चलो तो आगे बाज़ार आ जाता था. एक ही बड़ा बाज़ार था जो हरिपुर रेलवे स्टेशन तक जाता था.

इस बाज़ार में हमारी कपड़े की दुकान थी जो मेरे बाउजी (पिता) और उनके भाइयों की सांझी थी. दुकान का नाम था ‘लाला करमचंद एंड सन्ज़’.

नहर की सीध में ही बाज़ार पार ख़ालसा स्कूल था जहां मैं पढ़ता था. ये एक प्राइमरी स्कूल था यानि पांचवी जमात तक का.

मुझे इस स्कूल के बारे में इतना याद है कि वहां हमें उर्दू पढ़ाई जाती थी. मुझे सिवाए अपनी एक बुआ के लड़के के, जो मेरे साथ पढ़ता था, कोई सहपाठी याद नहीं है.

और एक मुसलमान ‘उस्ताद जी’ याद हैं जो हमें उर्दू पढ़ाते थे. वे दरम्याने क़द के, पतले, गोरे, दाढ़ी वाले आदमी थे. ख़ासे dedicated उस्ताद लगते थे; बच्चों से स्नेहपूर्वक व्यवहार करते थे, पर सख्ती भी करते थे और बच्चों को ‘मुर्गा बनने’ की सज़ा देते थे.

हम तख्ती पर क़लम-दवात से लिखते थे और नहर में अपनी तख्तियां धोते थे.

स्कूल 10 से तीन बजे तक होता था. हम आराम से खा पी कर स्कूल जाते थे.

मेरी उम्र के लड़के कमीज़ और कच्छा पहनते थे और इसी लिबास में स्कूल जाते थे. बड़े कमीज़ के साथ सलवार पहनते थे.

स्कूल खेलते कूदते जाते थे. आते जाते जी किया तो नहर में कूद कर डुबकियां लगाते थे.

पुलिस चौकी के सामने सड़क पार ‘सनातन धर्म स्कूल’ था जो दसवीं जमात तक था. खालसा स्कूल पास करने वाले बच्चों का दाख़िला सनातन धर्म स्कूल में होता था.

मुझे याद है मैं इस स्कूल में अपने एक चाचा, गोवर्धन लाल बजाज, के साथ RSS (राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ) के एक समारोह में गया था, जिसमें RSS के एक बड़े नेता आए थे.

मेरे ये चाचा, जो मुझसे 8-9 साल बड़े थे, RSS से जुड़े हुए थे.

चौकी मोहल्ले से एक तरफ कुछ दूरी पर हमारे खेत थे जो हमारे परिवार के सांझे थे.

खेत के सामने हमारा बाग़ था जिसमें फलों के पेड़ थे. एक फल जो मुझे याद है उसे ‘लूचा’ कहते हैं; ये आलू बुख़ारे जैसा एक फल है. लुकाट और माल्टा भी उगता था.

मुझे याद है कि हमारे बाग़ के पास एक सूखी नहर थी जिसमें एक छोटा हवाई जहाज़ गिर गया था, जो शायद सिविलियन जहाज़ था. जब मैं ये घटना देखने वहां गया तो जहाज़ उठा कर ले जाया जा चुका था.

हमारे घर के पास एक खेल का मैदान था जिसे ‘खोला’ कहते थे जिसमें रामलीला भी खेली जाती थी और लोहड़ी भी जलाई जाती थी. एक गोरा सिख लड़का सीता का रोल अदा करता था.

कट्ठे (नहर) पर एक ज़नाना घाट था जहां औरतें भजन गाती थीं. एक पंजाबी भजन जो गाया जाता था उसकी पंक्ति थी: ‘हरिओम दी आवाज़ पई आवे श्याम तेरे मंदरां विचों.’

कट्ठे किनारे कुल्फ़ी बनाने वाले थे, जिनमें एक ‘अमर कुल्फ़ी वाला’ मुझे याद है. उसके सामने एक हलवाई की दुकान -- ‘मनोहर लाल गोवर्धन लाल हलवाई’ -- थी जिसके मालिक हमारे रिश्तेदार भी थे.

चौकी मोहल्ले में रहने वाले अन्य लोग जो मुझे याद हैं उनमें एक आनंद परिवार था और एक सूरी परिवार. ये दोनों परिवार विभाजन के बाद ग्वालियर आकर बस गए थे. ग्वालियर में मेरे कुछ चाचाओं के परिवार भी आकर बसे.

हमारे खेतों में गेहूं और मक्का उगता था.

हमारे मकान के भूतल में तीन गोदाम थे जिसमें हम अनाज रखते थे और दो अन्य कमरे थे; मेरे ताऊ के बेटे, जयचंद बजाज, का परिवार भूतल पर ही रहता था.

हमारा एक गोदाम बाज़ार में भी था.

मकान में दो तरफ से खुली एक बैठक थी जहां औरतें गर्मियों में ठंडक पाने के लिए बैठती थीं. मकान में बिजली भी थी; रेडियो और पंखे थे.

ऊपर जाने के लिए खुल्ली सीढ़ियां थीं.

पहले तल पर तीन कमरे और एक रसोई थी. दूसरे तल पर एक ही कमरा था.

मकान में शीशे का काफ़ी काम था और टाइलें भी लगी हुई थीं.

मोहल्ले में मिटटी के तेल से जलने वाली स्ट्रीट लाइट्स थीं जिन्हें ‘चिमनियाँ’ कहते थे.

मोहल्ले में मंदिर और गुरुद्वारा थे. मुसलमानों का एक-आध ही परिवार था. मोहल्ले से काफ़ी दूर एक मस्जिद थी जहां से वो इलाक़ा शुरू होता था जिसके निवासी मुख्यतः मुसलमान थे.

हमारे सम्बन्ध सबसे अच्छे थे.

मुझे याद है हमारे खेत में एक मुसलमान मुलाज़िम था जो खेत की देख-रेख करता था और खेती का काम करवाता था.

एक बार कुछ मुसलमान लड़कों की पतंग हमारे घर के पास उलझ गई, जो मेरे चाचा, गोवर्धन लाल, ने तोड़ ली.

वे लड़के हमारे घर अपनी पतंग मांगने आ गए; उनका कहना था कि मेरे चाचा ने उनकी पतंग तोड़ के ली है, जबकी मेरे चाचा का कहना था कि उसने पतंग लूटी है; इसलिए वापिस नहीं होगी.

मुझे याद है मैं बोल पड़ा, ‘चाचा क्यों झूठ बोल रहे हो. आपने पतंग तोड़ी है.’

फिर हमारे बड़ों ने बीच बचाव करके उन लड़कों को उनकी पतंग वापस करवा दी.

Wednesday, December 20, 2017

Pakistani cinema never had any attractiveness for Indians - not even in the age of YouTube - for a very strong reason

In this BBC interview, published on 20 Dec. 2017, Pakistan film-star Shaan asks for "utni hi market" in India for Pakistani cinema "jitni" Pakistan supposedly has for Indian films -- and he addresses his demand to the "government" of India!!

He talks as if "markets" such as that of cinema's are created by "governments"!

He talks as if it's the government of Pakistan that's somehow responsible for creating Pakistani market for Indian cinema -- as if this market will just disappear if the government of Pakistan were to disallow exhibition of Indian films in Pakistan!

Shaan also pretends as if Indian audience is as receptive to Pakistani cinema as Pakistani audience has long been to Indian films!

I am a 43-year-old Indian from Hindi-speaking region (who stopped watching cinema long ago but who has been reasonably clued-up about cinematic happenings) and I have never known any Indian in person ever discussing any Pakistani film or a Pakistani film star other than those who get to act in Bollywood productions.

(Until I chanced upon this BBC interview, I had never heard of Pakistani film-star Shaan. The only Shaan I knew was Indian singer by the same name.)

I don't know a single Indian in person ever showing any enthusiasm for a Pakistani film or even a Pakistani film song -- even in this age of YouTube.

And I am pretty sure if you were to randomly stop some Indian in the Hindi-speaking region going about her/his daily business and ask her/him to name three recently released or exhibited Pakistani films or three popular playback singers who sang in Pakistani films, you will draw a blank.

Shaan and other Pakistani cinema worriers need to realize something very important.

What is now called Pakistan used once to be a subset of larger Indian cultural matrix, but post Partition the fraudsters in Pakistan have left no stone unturned to devalue or damage or wipe out the Indianness of their society -- with degrees of success.

This Indianness is nothing but the diversity, syncretism and inclusion that's so characteristic of Indic ethnosphere -- and is also evident in India's cinematic culture.

That's what contributes so handsomely to the attractiveness of Indian cinema.

Pakistani cinema never had that attractiveness; it lost it the moment it was made to be labelled 'Pakistani cinema' as something separate from the life-force called Indian cinema.

Difficult to imagine a film goer in Delhi or Mumbai or Bhopal showing any great enthusiasm for a "Pakistani film" with the entire star cast, lyricists, playback singers, and production team with Islamic-Arabic names with actors speaking a pretty heavily Arabized-Persianized Hindi (which Pakistanis call "Urdu") and singing songs in similarly Arabized-Persianized lingo!

What diversity!

So despite common origins, the so called Pakistani cinema has never had even a tiny fraction of all those characteristics that contribute to the heady Indian cinematic cocktail.

The following is the Web-link used in this post.

(BBC correspondent Henna Saeed talks to Pakistani film-star Shaan Shahid about his upcoming film 'Arth' and his reluctance to do films in India, unlike Pakistani actors Fawad, Mahira and Ali Zafar who have quite notably acted in Bollywood productions.)

Tuesday, November 21, 2017

"Hindus are wicked people living in India; they are our enemies"

Schoolchildren in Pakistan are fed a lot of propaganda and nonsense, especially under the subject 'Pakistan Studies', as this article in Urdu by Zunaira Saqib shows.

It was published on 19 Nov. 2017 in '

I have provided here the Devanagari transcript of Saqib's article without any other change.

'Pakistan Studies' is called 'Mutaalia-e-Pakistan' ('मुतालिआ-ए-पाकिस्तान') in Urdu.

Saqib teaches management and HR at NUST Business School in Islamabad and also writes columns for newspapers and magazines.

मुतालिआ-ए-पाकिस्तान की आख़िरी किताब
(ज़ुनैरा साक़िब, ‘हम सब’ मैगज़ीन, 19 नवम्बर 2017)

“हम सब कौन हैं?”
“लेकिन टीचर मैं तो मुसलमान नहीं. मैं तो...”
“चुप! चूड़ा कहीं का!”
“चुप रह! यहाँ रहना है तो चुप रह.”

“हिन्दू कौन हैं?”
“हिन्दू इंडिया में रहने वाले रज़ील लोग हैं. ये हमारे दुश्मन हैं.”
“लेकिन टीचर मैं तो हिन्दू हूँ. मैं तो पाकिस्तानी हूँ”
“हिन्दू हो तो हिन्दुस्तान जाओ ना!”

“1965 में हिन्दुस्तान ने रात के अँधेरे में पाकिस्तान पर हमला कर दिया.”
“पाक फ़ौज ने जम कर मुक़ाबला किया और आख़िरकार 17 दिन बाद हिन्दुओं की फ़ौज ने हथियार डाल दिए.”
“लेकिन टीचर ‘ऑपरेशन जिब्राल्टर’ तो पाकिस्तान ने शुरू किया था”
“क्या कहा?”
“और ‘ताशकंद मुआहिदे’ में तो सीसफ़ायर का ज़िक्र है”
“कैसा ग़द्दार बच्चा है. पकिस्तान का नाम बदनाम करता है. चल मुर्गा बन मुर्गा.”

‘जीम’ से जग, ‘चे’ से चिड़िया, ‘हे’ से हब्शी”
“हब्शी? हब्शी कहना तो कोई अच्छी बात नहीं”
“क्यूँ बे! तुझे बड़ी हमदर्दी है कालों से”
“चलो भई, आज से इस को भी ‘काली अंधी’ बोला करो.”

“सब से अच्छा मज़हब कौन सा है?”
“सब से अच्छा मज़हब इस्लाम है.”
“क्यूँ बे तू नहीं बोल रहा?”
“जी मेरा मज़हब तो कुछ और है.”
“इस्लामी जम्हूरिया पाकिस्तान है ये. इस्लामी जम्हूरिया. समझा क्या? सब से अच्छा मज़हब इस्लाम, बाक़ी सब बकवास.”

“दो क़ौमी नज़रिया ये है कि हिन्दू और मुसलमान दो अलग अलग कौमें हैं और ये मिल कर नहीं रह सकतीं. इसीलिए हम ने पाकिस्तान बनाया.”
“लेकिन अगर ये दोनों मिल कर नहीं सकतीं तो 1000 साल हिन्दुस्तान में जब मुसलमान हुक्मरान थे तो कैसे मिल कर रहती थीं?”
“चलो चलो बच्चों ब्रेक का टाइम हो गया.”

“तो ये रही पाकिस्तान की तारीख़”
“टीचर इस में तो बांग्लादेश का कोई ज़िक्र ही नहीं”
“बांग्लादेश तो पुरानी ख़बर हुई. चलो आज बलोचिस्तान को पढ़ते हैं.”

“जिहाद क्या होता है?”
“जिहाद अल्लाह की राह में काफ़िरों के ख़िलाफ़ जंग को कहते हैं.”
“काफ़िर कौन होता है?”
“जो मुसलमान न हो.”
“पाकिस्तानी हिन्दू, ईसाई, यहूदी, क़ादियानी, शिया, सब काफ़िर हैं? उन के ख़िलाफ़ जिहाद फ़र्ज़ है?”
“क्या बे बहुत सवाल करता है! चल निकल यहाँ से! जा जाकर उन्हीं काफ़िरों से पढ़. चल भाग!”

The following Web link has been used in this post.

Partition of India: purge that took place in 1947 completely unbalanced society in Pakistan

Muhammad Akram says he is still proud of having taken part in the lynching of Niranjan Das Bagga in Gujranwala in 1947, shows this very brief documentary published on 15 August 2017 on YouTube, one of the many that the BBC produced to mark the 70th anniversary of the Partition of India.

Bagga was a local politician who was trying to calm tensions in a public place after a 'Muslim' was killed, says the 2:20 minute long documentary film.

While he did that someone egged the people gathered there to target Bagga for killing and succeeded in generating the lynching frenzy.

"(We) finished him in less than an hour," Akram tells the BBC reporter.

I had watched this documentary a day or two after it was published on YouTube in August and wrote something in the comments section. 

Nobody replied to my comments until a few days ago when an 'Ali Maksud' (presumably a Pakistani) posted something. 

He wrote that his grandfather's family had similarly been killed by a "mob of Hindus and Sikhs" in Jalandhar district. 

I made a rejoinder to him.

My comments, the response by 'Ali Maksud', and my rejoinder are pasted below, after which I have added some more of my thoughts.

My comments

"Whoever does not hit him with a stone is not the son of his mother and father. Then everyone hit (him) -- some threw two stones, some one. Well within an hour, (we) finished him". 

Who was he: A "Hindu"

Who were they: "Muslims"

Muhammad Akram, who was a member of the lynch mob, refers to "Muslims" with Punjabi words "sadyan bandyan" (our people) and refers to "Hindus" with the word "unan" (their).

He says he wanted to kill more of "them" and he continues to be proud of contributing to the lynching of one of "them".

So the lynching had no reason other than that Niranjan Das Bagga was a "Hindu" -- especially as Akram says he had absolutely nothing against Bagga.

The old man (Muhammad Akram) comes across as bigoted, benighted and churlish. He cannot be an example to any young person anywhere.

Ali Maksud

All the family members of my grandfather were killed by a mob of Hindus and Sikhs in Patti, Zila Jalandhar (adjecent to Zila Kasoor in Pakistan), only he survived. A sikh woman saved him and later sent him to Pakistan. 

Those who would've killed my grandfather's wouldn't probably have had no guilt about it, just like that old man from Gujranwala.

More muslims were killed in the partition becausw More people migrated to Pakistan than India. So India has more such killers than Pakistan. 

The sad thing is nobody took judicial action against such people across both sides of the border.

My rejoinder

I sympathize with your grandfather for the terrible loss he suffered on account of a terrible crime that was committed.

However, your comment doesn't show you have tried sincerely to see beyond the Hindu-Sikh versus Muslim narrative -- which is why you make assertions like "India has more such killers than Pakistan".

That assertion does not convince me.

India currently has more than 20 crore people who call themselves 'Muslims' (with birth rate that has always been more than the national average). 

Pakistan has no more than 2-3 million people who are labelled 'Hindu'.

(The population of 'Hindus' in what was united Pakistan has been declining since 1947 -- from about 23 per cent to less than 10 per cent in what is now Pakistan and Bangladesh.)

One can see clearly that in the provinces that were turned into West Pakistan in 1947, there had been an ethnic cleansing of people labelled 'Hindus' and 'Sikhs'.

(Given the population mix in India since 1947, it would be very difficult, if not impossible, for any sensible person to assert that there had been a reciprocal ethnic cleansing of 'Muslims' in partitioned India.)

My father -- who was born in Haripur Hazara in 1939 and lived there until his family was uprooted by the Partition -- tells me he remembers the day Pakistan Day was celebrated, implying his family never wanted to leave.

But the ongoing violence forced his family within a day or two to flee their home to save their lives, and to eventually cross the border.

(In Hazara district, mobs had started killing 'Hindus' and 'Sikhs' and looting and burning their property as early as December 1946.)

The oral histories that I have gone through so far show that a huge number of people labelled 'Hindu' and 'Sikh' would never have left what became Pakistan, had they not been forced to leave their homes and hearth through rape, violence and loot.

And so the current population of Pakistan would have had a more balanced ethnic mix today, had all those people been allowed to stay.

A more balanced society would also have helped Pakistan to save itself from sliding into Islamic radicalism.

The uprooting and exchange of populations was obviously a disastrous idea, but it's impossible to ignore the ultimate cause -- namely that some people who called themselves 'Muslims' wanted a separate country for themselves.  

And they wanted separation on the false ground of being a "separate quam"!

I think many Pakistanis have come to realise the falsity of the ultimate cause (which was especially driven home through Bengali separation), but a lot of Pakistanis continue to be vulnerable to the propaganda that continues to promote the fraudulent concept of "quam" and reinforces the 'Muslim' identity at the cost of more syncretistic and accommodating cultural identity.

I believe 'Muslim' identity will neither allow Pakistanis to live in peace with non-Muslims, nor with themselves; it will continue to cause turbulence and strife in Pakistan.

I have heard at least one Pakistani admitting that what happened in 1947 (and since then) in the areas that went to Pakistan was ethnic cleansing of non-Muslims. 

(It's also clear that a similar ethnic cleansing took place in 1947 in parts of Punjab that went to India in which 'Muslims' were looted, killed, raped and driven away from their homes. So violence took place on both sides.)

Pakistani politician and lawyer Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan says in this video (relevant part 58:50 min. to 1:00:55 min.) that Pakistanis like to criticize India for riots in which Muslims suffer violence. 

"However, Muslims live in huge numbers there. We (in contrast) have carried out ethnic cleansing (here)... sparing no Hindus, Christians. The few who are left here want to leave this country and we can give them no reason as to why they should stay," said Ahsan in a discussion on 'Sindh Sagar and creation of Pakistan' at Karachi Literature Festive-2015.

In my rejoinder above, I have also mentioned Hazara district. 

Both my parents were born in Hazara in North West Frontier Province (NWFP). 

(NWFP is now called Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.) 

My father was born in Haripur town in 1939 and my mother in a village called 'Bagra' somewhere around 1944.

My father has quite vivid and chronological, but understandably sketchy, memories of his life there.

The first time I heard someone narrate an account of Partition violence in Hazara which was not personal-anecdotal was when I chanced earlier this year upon Amrit Pal Singh's YouTube channel.

His channel describes Amrit Pal Singh as a hermit, an independent researcher, and a seeker of truth.

He has narrated the violence perpetrated on 'Hindus' and 'Sikhs' during Partition in Hazara, Lahore and Pothohar region very coherently, chronologically and in great detail.

Amrit Pal Singh's own family belonged to Hazara and was uprooted in the Partition violence.

He has described the violence in Hazara during Partition in a series of five videos of which this is the first part.

I hope to write more on Partition, especially my own family's experience of that cataclysmic event, in future posts.

This post has used the following Web links in the order of occurrence. 





Wednesday, November 15, 2017

Christianity is the most advanced science and practice of ethnocide ever devised

Continuing with the subject of the previous post about the fraud and criminality that Christianity and Christian Church embody, I have the following to say.

I feel that none of the words that people tend to use about Christianity clearly nail its actual nature and purpose.

Christianity, in my view, is the most advanced science and practice of ethnocide ever devised in human history.

Its ultimate purpose is to undermine all human cultures found on Earth through its ever more refined ethnocidal weapons, such as inculturation.

This undermining works to gradually supplant the autonomy and inherent syncretism of the targeted culture with the heteronomy and unnatural homogenization that the church administration represents.

Christianity was the original instigator -- the gene and the meme -- of European colonialism and imperialism that continues to destroy cultural diversity and syncretism across the world at such a rapid pace that human survival has become threatened.

So ethnocide, heteronomy (or undermining of cultural autonomy) and homogenization make up the quintessence of Christianity.

Ethnocide, heteronomy (or undermining of cultural autonomy) and homogenization are also the defining characteristics of what European (or Western) colonialism has done to the world in the last 500 years.

I like to connect these dots in order to get the fuller picture.

In my view, Christianity -- indeed the whole Judeo-Christian-Islamic imperialism -- needs to be seen without the red herrings of fraudulent concepts/categories like religion, secular domain, political domain, economic domain, etc.

Behind these fraudulent concepts/categories lies unvarnished colonialism/imperialism.

So whether it's Judeo-Christianity, or the West, or Islam -- it's all colonialism/imperialism which seeks continuously to expand its domain by enslaving ever larger chunks of humanity.

So please try to see through a conceptual fraud like 'religion' and understand that this fraudulent category is applicable only and only to Judeo-Christianity and Islam -- and not to other human cultures, Indic or non-Indic.

In other words, please stop mislabelling human 'cultures' as 'religions'.

India, for instance, never produced anything that remotely resembles 'religion'.

Why do we denigrate our own autonomous and syncretistic cultures by labelling them as 'religion' -- thus putting them in the same fraudulent category that consists of Judeo-Christianity and Islam?

While the soul of Bharatiyata -- indeed of all human cultures -- is 'syncretism', the fraudulent concept of 'religion' rejects and execrates 'syncretism'.

Judeo-Christianity and Islam are dangerous and pernicious for all human cultures precisely because they reject -- even anathematize -- 'syncretism'.

Check the Vatican website, for instance, to understand how it views 'syncretism'.

Islam rejects 'syncretism' by branding it as 'Shirk', an Arabic word whose more specific meaning is 'to include others in the unique status of Allah'.

Tuesday, November 14, 2017

The world's oldest and most dangerous criminal syndicate!

Here are some thoughts on the so called 'Roman Catholic Church' that crossed my mind while skimming through this article by Jaideep Mazumdar in which he underlines the monstrous fraud that the church has committed by portraying some stray incidents of burglary and vandalism in 2014 and 2015 as "Hindutva" attack on "Christians".

The church frequently engages in fraud and falsehood such as claiming in March 2015 that an incident of alleged rape of a 72-year-old nun at a 'convent' in Nadia district of West Bengal was an act of 'communalism' against Christians.

The church also portrayed a number of other stray incidents of burglary and vandalism at places of Christian worship in the country as instances of hatred and intolerance directed at Christians and other "minorities".

"... the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI) president cardinal Baselios Cleemis told the media before visiting the nun and the convent in Bengal that 'not only cows, but human beings too need to be protected'... alluding to the BJP’s proposed cow protection measures," writes Mazumdar.

The investigation of the Nadia 'rape' case did not yield any Hindutva foot soldier, but some Bangladeshi men who, according to the police, just wanted to commit robbery (and did commit it).

"On Tuesday (07 Nov. 2017), a Kolkata court held only the prime accused, Nazrul Islam, guilty of rape. Four other members of the gang – all of them Bangladeshis – have been held guilty of only committing a dacoity."

Have the church and others crying wolf apologized?

Of course not!

Does one expect inveterate fraudsters and criminals to own up to their crimes?

I read Mazumdar's article on - even though it was originally published on 08 Nov. 2017 on Swarajya magazine's website.

The following is my brief comment.

Having read a lot about the Catholic Church I have come to believe that it is the world’s oldest and most dangerous criminal syndicate.

In 2013-14, I had done some probing of an incident of “theft” reported by the Catholic Church in Jharkhand and found that it was a staged theft.

The church reported in January 2008 that a statue of “Dhori Mata” (Mary) had been stolen from Dhori Mata Tirthalaya at Jarangdih in Bokaro district.

The incident was well reported by the media and the church made a lot of song and dance about it.

Within just a few days the statue was reported to have been found abandoned somewhere.

I did a careful reading of these media reports and found that the theft had been faked with the help of a police officer (Assistant Superintendent of Police A.V. Minz).

This discovery was part of a wider probe I was doing of this business of fabricating “Mata” cults (of Mary) across India that the Catholic Church has been engaged in for a long time, which I found to be another huge fraud and ethnocidal tactic aimed at conversions.

This fraud has already resulted in setting up 'Velankanni Mata' in Tamil Nadu, 'Niramalagiri Mata' and 'Gunadala Mata' in Andhra Pradesh, and other such 'Mary Mata' shrines.

My probe then had also led me to discover an effort made by Catholic 'Archbishop' of Ranchi Telesphore Toppo (an Indian 'Cardinal', also one of the electors who participated in the 2013 papal conclave that selected Pope Francis) to get the Vatican to proclaim Mary as "the spiritual mother of all humanity".

That proclamation -- in the eyes of Toppo and other Catholic fraudsters -- would allow the church to better exploit the existing culture in India of veneration for Durga and other Mata avatars in order to convert more 'Hindus' to Christianity.

This proposal is also known in Vatican jargon as the 'fifth Marian Dogma'.

The 'Roman Catholic Church' never fails to surprise me with its enormous capacity for committing fraud and other crimes; it's indeed the world's oldest criminal syndicate.

The following Web links have been used in this post in their order of occurrence.









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